What does the green light mean for BIH-EU relations?
Dominik Boris
Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has been attempting to become part of the European Union (EU) family since the Thessaloniki European Council in June 2003. In 21 years of partnership, BiH’s European integration has gone through phases of euphoria, visible effort and progress, as well as stagnation and virtual freezing of the EU accession process. However, after getting candidate status in December 2022, BiH’s EU accession process was given a new chapter in the form of a „green light“ – opening accession negotiations on 21 March 2024. Bosnia and Herzegovina can thus soon join the rest of the countries in the region already negotiating their accession to the European Union. What does the green light mean for relations between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union, and what is in store for the country shortly?
From a Potential Candidate to One Step from the Membership
BiH and other Western Balkan countries were identified as potential candidates for EU membership at the Thessaloniki Summit in 2003.
Two years later, negotiations on Stabilisation and Association Agreements (SAA) were launched to help the country achieve stability and transition to a market economy, promote regional cooperation, and prepare for EU accession. Together with trade agreements with the EU, the SAA was signed in 2008. Since 2010, BiH citizens have not needed short-term visas to enter the EU. Efforts to actively pursue the European path culminated in 2016 when BiH officially submitted its application for EU membership.
After ten years of negotiations and gradual approximation to the European Union, there was a phase of stagnation when BiH failed to record any significant progress in the European path for three years. The shift came in May 2019, when the European Commission (EC) identified 14 key priorities necessary for BiH’s EU accession. One might argue that BiH’s political elites froze their European integration aspirations at this time, and the implementation of the identified points and the progress in the European path stagnated.
The change in the approach to European integration came after the 2022 elections when the Troika coalition (Social Democratic Party, People and Justice, Our Party) committed itself to accelerating BiH’s Euro-integration process. The government’s first achievement was to obtain candidate status at the end of 2022. BiH’s representatives began to be more active in negotiations to achieve the opening of accession negotiations. BiH expected the opening of negotiations at the European summit in December 2023, but this did not happen. The European Union has thus identified the 3+1 reform package out of 14 points as a prerequisite for the opening of negotiations. The 3+1 reforms included adopting an anti-money laundering law, a law on conflicts of interest, a law on courts and a technical electoral law reform. Following adopting the anti-money laundering law, the law on conflict of interest, and the preparation of the law on courts, the European Council decided in March 2024 to open accession negotiations for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU membership. Thus, BiH must implement the 14 reform points set by the European Commission for BiH only to join the EU. At the same time, it must fulfil the Copenhagen criteria, which were set as a prerequisite for countries joining the European Community in 1992.
EU-phoria As a Driver Of Reforms
The opening of accession negotiations to the EU fulfils a goal set by the current government. The Government’s programme states: „Bosnia and Herzegovina’s path towards the European Union is the basis of the Work Programme of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as of governments at all levels of governance. Due to the strategic importance of early integration into the EU, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s path towards the European Union must be reinforced by additional activities of all ministries“ (Bosna i Hercegovina Vijeće ministara, 2023). Political leaders, regardless of ethnic background, welcomed the opening of negotiations, considering it a great success and a new energy for BiH on its European path. After giving the green light, BiH Foreign Minister Elmedin Konaković declared, „If BiH politicians are serious enough, 2030 for EU accession no longer looks unrealistic“ (klix.ba, 2024). However, obtaining approval from all 27 member states took much work, given the non-acceptance of all the reforms in the 3+1 package. The close decision to open accession negotiations should also signal that the country still has many reforms to do. Reforms in minority protection, public administration reforms and other points of the 14 points set by the European Union in 2019 still need to be adopted. In addition to the 14 points, Bosnia and Herzegovina must also meet the Copenhagen criteria, which have been vital for countries to join the EU since 1993, in order to join the EU. The country’s leaders knew of the tight decision and thanked their allies for supporting BiH’s integration process.
Photo: Shutterstock.com
The Green Light Is On; What Is Next?
Since the signing of the Dayton Agreement, the European Union has been among the international organisations that have helped Bosnia and Herzegovina to build state apparatuses, initially in an authoritarian way and with the strong position of the High Representative and later as a mediator and a strengthener of state institutions. In addition to direct assistance, EU membership has been a vision and engine for BiH to stabilise the country (Blagovcanin, 2016). Relations have often been, and continue to be, affected by personal disputes, which have partly hindered BiH’s progress. Noting that BiH has one of the most, if not the most, complicated political systems in the world, the international community is aware of the pitfalls that can sometimes arise in relations. Although conditional, BiH has nevertheless reached the possibility of opening accession negotiations. The negotiation of the acquis chapters still has to be preceded by an intergovernmental conference and screening by the European Commission. However, Bosnia and Herzegovina has received a clear signal towards the fulfilment of its European path through EU membership.
An important point, which may be contentious internally, will be the election of a chief negotiator to lead the negotiations between BiH and the EU. Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik announced that since the foreign minister is a Bosniak and the deputy foreign minister is a Croat, the chief negotiator should be a Serb. However, the negotiator’s position mainly requires an expert who can form an expert team so that the ambitions of BiH’s accession to the EU in 2030 can be realistic. An expert who is open to taking advice from other countries‘ members or candidates so that the conclusion of negotiating chapters is not an endless saga. Countries that joined the EU in the 2000s could provide assistance and have extensive experience in meeting the criteria and subsequently concluding negotiating chapters.
Conclusion
After the crisis and war years of the 1990s in the Western Balkans region, the perspective of membership in the European Union was a good springboard for the newly formed countries to act internationally. Decades of moving closer to the EU without a definitive goal, however, have brought a certain stagnation and impatience on the part of the region’s countries and a softening on the part of the EU. However, the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the growing influence of China in the region have forced the EU to rethink its approach to the Western Balkan countries. „We have realised that it is not enough just to wait for the Western Balkans to move closer to us,“ von der Leyen told the European Parliament. „It is not enough to say that the door is open. We must also take responsibility and support their path towards our union in any possible way.“ Strengthening the EU’s influence in the region is an opportunity to push back Russian and Chinese influence and act as a deterrent against possible plans to spark conflict in the region.
The opening of accession negotiations did not come quickly, and some Member States still have doubts about Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ability to one day become a member of the European family. The European Union must consider the complicated path towards agreement between the country’s ethnic groups. For its part, Bosnia and Herzegovina must not feel that it is enough to follow instructions and needs to take the initiative for its membership in the EU. Support for EU accession among the citizens of BiH is growing, reaching around 85% (National Democratic Institute, 2021), which is a good signal and a strong mandate for politicians. At the same time, however, citizens are also fatigued, as the process takes a very long time, and the country will not achieve the desired goal. The country has a long way to go in meeting the criteria and reforms, and it is not an easy or quick process, but it is not impossible. The long-term vision of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the European Union should be unchanging, regardless of the composition of the governments, so that the benefits of EU membership can be enjoyed by the population and the country itself as soon as possible. Momentum is now on BiH’s side, and it is up to it how to use it. Relations between BiH and the EU are moving to a new level, mainly because Bosnia and Herzegovina is practically knocking more and more firmly on the door of the European Union and wants to open it. However, the final step – crossing the threshold of the European door – needs internal unity and the will to take this step.
Sources
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- Blagovcanin, S. (2016). The EU as state builder in the process of European integration – the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Retrieved from https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/sarajevo/13349-20170504.pdf
- Bosna i Hercegovina Vijeće ministara. (2023). Program rada Vijeća ministara Bosne i Hercegovine za 2023. godinu. Retrieved from https://vijeceministara.gov.ba/akti/program_rada/default.aspx?id=40130&langTag=bs-BA
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Dominik Boris is an Intern at the Strategic Analysis Young Leaders Programme
Disclaimer: Views presented here are those of the author solely and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Strategic Analysis.
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